Language is shared and put discrimination away

Heng Ding

In the whole process of paying attention to the relationship between second languages, language diversity, and social justice, I think the social problems caused by dialects or accents haven’t been paid enough attention to. This blog will start with my own experience to discuss the discrimination caused by dialect or accent which often plays the role of the most direct “criterion” for judging other people.

I was born in the south of Jiangsu Province, China. In Jiangsu, there has always been some default “stigma chain” exists. Due to historical, economic, and many other factors, there are great differences between Southern and Northern Jiangsu, such as culture, living habits, and dialects. The resulting phenomenon is that people in these two parts don’t like each other and think the other is inferior. Among the many factors, dialect is one of the most important judgment bases because the dialects in southern Jiangsu and Northern Jiangsu are completely different. Therefore, the “regional identity” of a Jiangsu person can be judged by the accent alone. The consequence of this judgment is that the mutual discrimination between the north and the south is constantly emphasized and deepened. Facing such a phenomenon in my hometown, I often feel very powerless, as the concept has already been rooted in people’s minds. But I think the thing I can do, as a second language educator, is to tell everyone that, whether we use the word “dialect” or “accent” to describe the phonological and phonological characteristics of a local variety, language is at least not a tool to judge or measure a person’s strengths and weaknesses.

Actually, accent discrimination does not exist only in my hometown. Another example I know is the discrimination of African American vernacular English (AAVE). To some extent, dialects are the markers of power in society, (Winford, 1997). Over time, AAVE has been seen as an inferior dialect, and although it’s incorrect, such a concept has been accepted by many people around the world. As a result, people who speak AAVE are often judged or discriminated against by those who speak “standard English” (Grace, 2020).

All this social discrimination at home and abroad makes me think that if the accent or dialect will cause such great influence on social justice, does someone’s accent need to be corrected? If so, to sound like who? A native speaker or a group of people who belongs to a “superior” region? But what does that even mean? An accent can be a stigma, even among native speakers of the same language. These variations, determined by geography, class and race, are always identified with stereotypes. Fleeing from one means embracing another. Even though everybody has an accent, there certainly is such a thing as accent discrimination and most of us have either suffered or witnessed it at some point. Accent discrimination is, in the end, all about the place: who belongs and who doesn’t? I, for one, enjoy these ghostly presences of something strange in a familiar environment. They are a reminder of the fact that language doesn’t belong to anyone, not even to its native speakers. Language is shared. It is, in principle, a space where everyone is welcome and cooperates toward mutual comprehension, and the very fact that there are accents in the first place, the fact that we can still understand each other through all the differences is the most conclusive proof of the hospitality at the heart of every language.

References

Grace, G. (2020). DataSpace: Names, accents, and racial linguistic profiling: Linguistic and racial prejudice as mechanisms of discrimination against speakers of African American vernacular English. Princeton University. Retrieved November 14, 2021, from http://arks.princeton.edu/ark:/88435/dsp01gb19f8846.

Winford, D. (1997, January 1). On the origins of African American vernacular English – A Creolist perspective: Part I: The sociohistorical background. Diachronica. Retrieved November 14, 2021, from https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.14.2.05win.

Vernacular Language, Language Varieties, and their Deserved Place in Education

Written by Alison D.

One can arguably say that we all speak our own version of a given language. As social beings, we are influenced by our peers, our elders, our environment, as well as other languages in our language repertoires to contribute to the way we speak. As we explore the idea of dialects, tongues, and Vernacular forms of the English language, it is eminent for us to take a moment to explore how these comes to be, how they are continuously reinforced, as well as what can we do as language specialist to perhaps halter the divide and social-status attribution to particular forms of language.

Van Herk (2017) mentions in his work that “Geographical location is probably the most-studied social factor affecting language variation” (p.27). That said, depending on where we are located physically, our language variety will change. As we are highly influenced by the way people around us speak, it is only natural for the way we speak to change depending on where we are. This phenomenon also applies to children! Before the age of 4, children are almost exclusively spoken to, thus linguistically influenced, by their parents. Their parents’ languages and variations which are affected by geographical location, are thus passed down to their children (Tagliamonte and  D’Arcy, 2009).

If you take a moment to reflect on this, our kindergarten learners often come to school at the age of 5 never having had language experiences other than immediate family. Thus, the varieties and Vernacular languages are simply the languages that they speak! Educators, then become language models and evaluators of children who speak unique forms of languages. Though, the educators in question, do not always value these Vernacular languages and varieties the same way they would value ‘standard’ languages.

The idea of a standardized or ‘ideal’ form of English dates back many years. Typically, the standardized form of a language is associated with users of a higher social class. Examples such as highly regarded occupation and income will be associated with individuals who speak a more ‘ideal’ and ‘recognized’ form of language. ‘Non-Native-like’ speakers of English, such as second language learners and speakers of Vernacular languages in such contexts are often faced with instances of insubordination and unequal treatment due to the difference in the way they speak. This relationship of ‘ideal’ languages versus ‘other languages’ tends to reinforce the hierarchal division of society based on social class.

Even when I think about students in my high school classroom, they are speaking in such unique ways. Their ways of expressing themselves, their slang, word choice, intonation and overall linguistic behaviour reminds me every day why I love teaching secondary English. This said, since I have gotten to know my learners quite well, I can expect certain variations of English from certain students, while different forms of English from others. I, however, cannot expect a particular learner to speak more like one of their peers. This would be taking away from their individuality as well as right to express themselves the way that best fits their identities. If promoting a safe space where students can express themselves comfortably is the goal, where is the line drawn? At assessment? For oral presentations? Does it have to be drawn at all? Is there a way for all variations and forms of language to be valued and celebrated in the classroom?

Regarding the place of English Vernaculars in education, perhaps a shift from using English to ‘move up in the world’ towards a focus on intelligibility and open communication can be a good starting point to having language learners and users embrace their individuality to richen their repertoires. Educators can then ponder on “what does it mean to be a language speaker” as well as what the actual goal for language learning is, instead of focusing on creating the most ‘native-like’ English speakers. Additionally, reconsidering evaluation methods could strengthen this shift but, alas! We can explore this topic another time.

Take a moment to view Morgan Gill’s take on African American Vernacular English and it’s place in Education.

References:

Ramanathan, V. (2005). The english-vernacular divide : postcolonial language politics and practice (Ser. Bilingual education and bilingualism, 49). Multilingual Matters.

Tagliamonte, S., & D’Arcy, A. (2009). Peaks beyond phonology: Adolescence, incrementation, and language change. Language, 85(1), 58-108. https://mcgill.on.worldcat.org/oclc/5791997425

Van Herk, G. (2017) What is Sociolinguistics? Linguistics in the world. Wiley Blackwell.

Quebec English – How does one describe a dialect?

Kevin Anderson

For convenience, we put most of Canada into one dialect across Canada, even though there are regional differences.  In Quebec, there exists a special form of English, with a subset of words and phrases or borrowings from the French language.  In Montreal, a culturally and linguistically varied population led to even more influence on the English language. 

How does one describe a dialect?  How do we get the information to describe the specific particularities a certain population has?  Is it better to have an “insider” describe the particularities of a sub-set of language?  Or, is it better to have an “outsider” notice these differences and then describe them?  I would argue there are pluses and minuses between insiders versus outsiders making observations about language dialect.  For insiders, knowledge of the socio-cultural fabric of the neighbourhood, the quirks, the expressions, the body-language etc. will allow access to the special language that makes it unique; but, how does one know their language is different from the norm as in the rest of Canada?  Likewise, how does an outsider recognize the specific particularities of a population that is foreign to them?  Will they be able to catch the particularities accurately? 

I would argue that a dialect can be quite particular to specific individuals depending on their backgrounds.  From my perspective, I sometimes disagree with observations made about Quebec English; however, at the same time, these discussions can be very useful.  If we consider triangulation in qualitative research, we need to discuss language from many different angles, have a debate about it, and arrive at a truth.  Van Herk (2018) discusses nonce-borrowings, “one-offs” that began as isolated usages of language, but eventually with repetition became borrowings and used in every-day speech.  Van Herk (2018) also mentions how nonce-borrowings affect language and can “require a lot of contact, often for long periods of time” (p. 138) before they become long-term borrowings.  English, French, and other languages have certainly co-existed for a long time in some parts of Quebec.  

close the light
PNGkey.com “Close the light”

To get access to the various opinions on the special ways in which English Quebecers speak, the internet provides some examples.  Although I agree with many terms that are mentioned on these sites, other times I disagree.  Perhaps it is the different opinions that allow us to arrive at a conclusion as to what is and what is not a local Quebec English. 

This article discusses how we say the “dep” instead of the corner store or convenience store.  We say “all-dressed” pizza which means pepperoni, mushrooms, green pepper and cheese.  We live in a “four-and-a-half (two-bedroom apartment) with a gallery (porch).  We “open” and “close” the lights.  These terms I agree with but then it says we say “planification”, “formation” and “animator”, which I agree less with.  Maybe some other people in Montreal say these things? The article, however, gives us interesting insight as to how the different linguistic compositions of the different neighbourhoods affect language, resulting in different accents and dialects.  What makes this article credible are the sources which provided a mix of expert and street-level opinions about Montreal English.

This online discussion forum links “open the lights” and “close the lights” with various other languages in a similar way when speaking English. The following video actually discourages the use of the expression “Open the light” but I will say it anyway (at least in Montreal)!

This webpage makes me wonder where they got their information from.  In my opinion, for anything to be credible, we need sources or at least a second opinion.  This site mentions expressions such as “Give me your coordinates” to get someone’s contact information, which I have never heard of.  However, it does mention the word “terrasse” which refers to an outdoor patio.  Also, a “cinq-à-sept’’ refers to an early gathering from roughly 5-7 p.m.  The article shows, in my opinion, how one might speak if they are perfectly bilingual with French as a first language.  Other examples include “la bise” for kissing people when greeting; “in the moon”, which is a translation of “dans la lune” in which the English equivalent would be “out to lunch”.  I do say the “guichet” for an ATM machine though.

So, why don’t we write about Quebec English and share with each other the particularities that make our English unique in some ways?  Maybe we can learn a few things from each other.

Reference:

Van Herk, Gerard. (2018). What is sociolinguistics? 2e Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell.

What is a dialect exactly?

Kevin Anderson

According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, the word “dialect” means a “regional variety of language distinguished by features of vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation from other regional varieties and constituting together with them a single language”.  It also includes the definition “a variety of language whose identity is fixed by a factor other than geography (such as social class)”.  The first definition includes three items.  Must all three factors be present to determine one dialect from another?  In today’s digital world, can dialects form across geographical boundaries? 

In some literature, dialect is put into broad and general regions and puts Canada into basically one major dialect area from Montreal to Vancouver Island, and then another for the East Coast.  I wonder how different one’s grammar, vocabulary and pronunciation need to be to be considered a regional dialect variety?  With internet communication, boundaries are blurred and people’s language is influenced by other dialect varieties around the world.  Also, there are long histories of homogenous and heterogenous communities who contribute to the variety of English dialects at more local levels.

Noname

Taken from: Van Herk, Gerard (2018). What is sociolinguistics? 2e Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell

This site was made by a linguistics hobbyist that focuses on regional dialects, some confined to very small geographical areas.  However, Aschmann focuses mostly on accents to make his claims about dialects.  Is accent alone enough to determine one’s dialect?  Are there not other factors that influence one’s dialect.  For example, someone from New Jersey spends four years studying in Montreal, but has also taught overseas for six years with colleagues from several other countries and regions.  With internet communication on top of that, will people’s pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary shift into a more standard variety in the future?

Noname2

https://aschmann.net/AmEng/

The second definition mentions dialect as the result of other factors including social class.  What are these other factors that influence dialect?  Can a dialect be temporary depending on who we are talking to or where we are?  Even within the city of Montreal, there are different ways of speaking.  This article from the Montreal Gazette discusses the way Montrealers speak.  You may agree or disagree.  What do you think?

Growing up in Montreal, I could sometimes tell from which neighbourhood someone is from, but it is not black and white.  It also depends on cultural background, social influence, education and history.  I noticed, however, how people spoke differently in my neighbourhood from below the tracks compared to those from above the tracks.  I can tell where someone is from, but then again I do not want to generalize.

Is there one way that people speak all the time to everyone they are speaking to?  Probably not.  If you are hanging out in your neighbourhood, you may change the way you speak compared to when you are in a different neighbourhood.  At school and at work you will speak differently as well.  But that depends with whom you are speaking with.

As a teacher, I believe it is important for my students to be aware of the different dialects that exist in their neighbourhood, between regions and around the world. They should also be made aware of social justice issues related to dialects that are traditionally less desired at the workplace or in educational institutions. Students should be proud of their own dialects and this should not limit what they are capable of at school or at the workplace in the future.

What makes a dialect a language and vice versa?

Henry Luong

“ Language is a dialect with an army and a navy”.

This sentence actually came from a spectator in one of the sociolinguist – Max Weinreich – lectures in the mid-20th century. Old as this may be, its underlying messages can startle us by how relevant it still is.

To many of us reading this post, I believe it is not difficult to grab the overall idea of this sentence, which implies the arbitrariness between a language and a dialect. Even some of us can list attributing reasons to this distinction, with really sound evidence, both research-based and practice-based. According to Blommaert and Rampton (2011), “mobility, mixing, political dynamics and historical embedding are now central concerns in the study of languages, language groups and communication” (p. 3). Therefore, it is safe to say that languages’ status is significantly affected and determined by a wide range of societal factors. Otherwise, we would find research examining languages independently and separately from social influences. 

In his 2018 book, Van Herk pointed out a very fascinating dilemma. On the one hand, a Serb speaks to a Croatian in their own so-called languages yet posing no challenges to mutual intelligibility (despite certain potential different vocabulary). On the other hand, a Mandarin speaker would be in huge trouble in terms of understanding when hearing someone speaking Cantonese. However, Cantonese is often labelled as a Chinese dialect rather than a distinct language. To my memory, about 3 years ago when I was still a student in Vietnam, Google Translate actually made Cantonese a separate language besides Chinese (which is Mandarin). However, I cannot find Cantonese in the list of named languages on Google Translate anymore. And to justify satisfactorily the presence of such dilemma, I am afraid we will have to delve into history events, geographical location, political agendas, social and cultural identity, etc. 

To be honest, from a perspective of a language teacher, I am thinking about how we could and should cope with such dilemma if it happened to emerge in our classroom. Obviously, being resourceful enough on such differences, teachers can develop an appropriate attitude towards students’ identity, which could in turn have a positive impact on their performance. However, considering the fact that teachers suffer tremendously from various sources of stress – the amount of workload, family health, loss of control over work and their life to name a few (MacIntyre et al., 2020), I seriously do not think most teachers have enough time and mind to dig deep into such hyper-controversial resources (most of which are history and politics).

How about you? How does the aforementioned dilemma ring true to you?

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References

Blommaert, J., & Rampton, B. (2011). Language and superdiversity. Diversities, 13(2), 1–22.

MacIntyre, P. D., Gregersen, T., & Mercer, S. (2020). Language teachers’ coping strategies during the Covid-19 conversion to online teaching: Correlations with stress, wellbeing and negative emotions. System94, 102352.

Van Herk, G. (2018). What is sociolinguistics? (Second, Ser. Linguistics in the world). John Wiley & Sons.

Dialect shifting: Surviving linguistic prestige and status in Barranquilla, Colombia, 25 years later…

John Narvaez

When I finished high school, I moved from my hometown Cartagena to nearby Barranquilla to start my B.Ed in modern languages.  Even though these cities are just two hours away from each other, they have distinctive dialectal and sociocultural features that make the Spanish spoken in them very different and particular.  Cartagena had a long history as a slave port in colonial times, so the influence of the African slaves’ languages created a variety of Spanish that is unique in the context of Colombia.  Elements of African phonology and prosody are evident in the way we speak with consonant duplication being a major feature.  In Cartagena, words like “puerta” /pwerta/ (door), or “carta” /karta/ (letter) are pronounced /pwet`ta/ and /cat`ta/ for example.  Lexical variation also offers distinct ways of naming things and pragmatic elements of the dialect may give the impression that people from Cartagena are rustic and “more rural” than their counterparts from Barranquilla. 

Cartagena, Colombia. The old city surrounded by the Caribbean sea and the modern Cartagena in the background.

The Barranquillero dialect, in contrast, tends to be a more standardized version of Spanish with a marked emphasis or the trilled /r/ and common features of Caribbean Spanish such as the aspiration of /s/ (/kosta/ = /kohta/).  It also received influence from the waves of European and middle eastern immigrants who settled in the city and who have somehow shaped the city’s identity as a cultural and economic hub of Colombia’s Caribbean region. 

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Haitian Kreyol Dialect, or a language

Anne

In 1961 Kreyol was recognized as one of Haiti’s official languages along with French.  Haitian Kreyol is based on French and other languages such as Spanish and some west African languages. It is often described as a “French Dialect” or as a “broken French.” I have always asked myself if Kreyol was a broken French, why do people who speak French do not fully understand when someone speaks in Kreyol? 

In Haiti, only 10% of the population speaks French, and a Haitian who speaks Kreyol is sometimes unable to understand another Haitian speaking French. It is unlikely to see the opposite because in Haiti the colonizing language has been prioritized over the Kreyol. Within Haiti there are three forms of dialect of Kreyol:  the northern dialect of Kreyol, spoken in Cap-Haitian, the second-largest city; the Central dialect, spoken mainly in Port-au-Prince, which is the capital of Haiti, and also spoken by the majority of the population, and finally the southern dialect, spoken in “Les Cayes,” another big city located in the south. 

Like any other language, Kreyol has its own and distinctive grammar that is different from French. One such example is the use of verbs, we do not have subject verb agreement and there are also no verb tenses. Instead we have markers that precede the verb to indicate the tense. For instance, we use “te” to indicate the past tense, “ap” for progressives, and “pral” for the future

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What my dialect meant to me

Yuri

I grew up in a small town in Hokkaido, the northernmost island in Japan. There are varieties of dialects within the island, but when people say ‘Hokkaido dialect’, they usually mean the dialect spoken in the biggest city in Hokkaido (Sapporo). In this blog post, ‘standard Japanese’ refers to the Japanese language spoken in Tokyo, ‘Hokkaido dialect’ refers to a dialect spoken in Sapporo, and ‘my dialect’ refers to a dialect spoken in my hometown.

Picture retrieved from https://www.gojapango.com/japan-map/

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Language and Society

Cixiu Duan

When reading the Van Herk’s Chapter 2, I was thinking about the three social group models and the impact that the society has on the use of language.

Speech community, social network and community of practice are three models of social groups from bigger to smaller, or local. Speech community is a group of people who share the same linguistic norms although they may hold different beliefs on other aspects. In addition, people in the same speech community may switch from one language to another under certain circumstance. For example, professors and students at McGill all share the same language – English because it is the language of instruction. They belong to the same speech community at school. However, Chinese students are more likely to use Chinese when they hold party or discuss the group assignment. Students from Quebec tend to use French at local community when they get home. The concept of social network could explain why people sometimes shift from one language to another. People usually participate in multiple networks, thus use different languages when deal with different people. Take myself as example, Shanghainese is my home language. English is school language. I speak Chinese with local Chinese immigrants (e.g. restaurants, markets, friends). And I speak French with local people. It is necessary to change the language according to the social network.

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Reflection on Ideologies and My Language Biography

By Jamie(Xuan)

It might be a bit late to mention about language biography now, but today’s class really inspired me on the concept of ideologies and how they are related to my own language learning/use in real life experience.

As a Chinese, Mandarin as my native language have made up most of my life so far, and as I’ve been exploring more parts in China, the change of locations really contributes to my understandings of ideologies (which I was not even aware of at that time). Here I will share some of my experience and my thoughts.

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